The Autonomist Antifa movement (MP3), or anti–fascism, opposes the domination of subaltern (MP3) or marginalized races, ethnicities, nationalities, castes, and tribes. Autonomism (MP3), for its part, is an anti–authoritarian communism. There is, utilizing a Venn diagram (), a limited overlap between various left–centrist, and third–way, ideologies and the Left. The question is, Which of these philosophies will emerge as the source for one’s assumptions? Alas, while advancing toward the pursuit of both collective and individual emancipation, the nascent class consciousness of New Deal progressivism, social democracy, or Keynesianism can be among the primary impediments to full proletarian class consciousness. Thought bridges must be built to take people, of diverse backgrounds, from progressivism to the Left.
™ ([MP3] ALCC™) or Antifa Luxemburgism™ (MP3) is an agent of left regroupment or unity. ALCC remains: nonviolent, nonconfrontational, protective, and defensive―never aggressive or offensive. Left regroupment requires left refoundation. Therefore, ALCC uses Marxism–Luxemburgism (MP3) as its communist tendency, Bhaskarian critical realism (MP3) as the metatheory and methodology, and intersectionality (MP3) as the key framework. World–systems analysis is partially employed. When events warrant, activists may, for instance, escort targets to safe areas. Strategically, union members alongside non–unionized workers can struggle for libertarian communist freedom and fulfillment. Follow ALCC on NationStates (). Connect with us on Facebook ().
Sources of ALCC, a social–and–economic development (SED) project, are: proto–left communist Rosa Luxemburg ([MP3] 1871–1919) as a rightful successor to Karl Marx ([MP3] 1818–1883) and Friedrich Engels ([MP3] 1820–1895), British critical realism from philosopher as well as libertarian Marxist Roy Bhaskar ([MP3] 1944–2014), intersectionality from legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw ([MP3] born 1959), post–Trotskyist international socialism from (MP3) Tony Cliff (1917–2000), neo–Trotskyist third–camp socialism from Max Shachtman (1904–1972), Titoism (MP3) from Maršal J̌osip Broz Tito (Serbian, Маршал Јосип Броз Тито [MP3], 1892–1980), workers’ self–directed coöperative enterprises from Richard D. Wolff (born 1942), De Leonism (MP3) from Daniel De Leon ([MP3] 1852–1914), and many others.
The above eleven perspectives, from Antifa to De Leonism, have been integrated into The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism™ (MP3) or IDmR™ and The Collective to Fight Neurelitism™ (MP3) or CFN™. Inspired by the revolutionary and transformative legacy of Red Rosa (German/Deutsch, rote Rosa [MP3]) , ALCC promotes democratic libertarian communism while avoiding partisan politics. ALCC is proudly a member of: rs21: revolutionary socialism in the 21ˢᵗ century (see also their Facebook page), the International Organization for a Participatory Society, the United Socialist Front, the Modern International Socialist Association, the International Association for Critical Realism, the Union for Radical Political Economics, Antifascist Action (Google+ Edition), F!ght✊Fasc!sm, and so forth.
The pentad of Antifa Luxemburgism is the preeminent paradigm utilized by ALCC for libertarian communism, libertarian socialism, left–libertarianism, and radical democracy. That model includes Marxism–Luxemburgism (MP3), Autonomist Antifa (MP3), Hal Draper’s (1914–1990) neo–Trotskyist, third–camp socialism from below which has thankfully been adopted by others, Roy Bhaskar’s critical realist method for implementing libertarian communism, and Kimberlé Crenshaw’s intersectionality. This re–articulation of left–libertarianism, libertarian Marxism, libertarian socialism, or libertarian communism is the foundational—but not the exclusive—character of the Antifa Luxemburgist project of left refoundation:
ALCC is not dogmatically attached to its own especial rendering of left–libertarianism or to the Libertarian Communist Pentad. Whether ALCC or some other individual or collective formulates a workable revolutionary strategy is inconsequential to us. The capitalists demand credit and residuals. Our sole concerns are deliverance and personal autonomy. We do feel, however, that Bhaskarian critical realism, or a related methodology, will need to be incorporated into whatever framework will emerge over time. Still, the sands continue flowing rapidly through the hourglass. Given the daunting global diffusion of fascist and quasi–fascist ideologies, Antifa Luxemburgism, or a like–minded construction delineated by someone else, shall, we hope, serve as a redemptive communist current for the 21ˢᵗ century and possibly beyond.
Antifa, while obviously far from perfect, is, however, the beloved. American Antifa, the most enduring legacy of the New Left, is a current or tendency of autonomist Marxism. As such, Antifa must be adored, nurtured, improved, and treasured. Casually dismissing it because of the possible intemperance of some fanatics serves no purpose and, as the saying goes, throws out the baby with the bathwater. What greater and more righteous duty can we have, as global citizens, than to fight—through left refoundation and left regroupment—neofascism and its kindred spirits? They are, possibly, the most challenging social problems which now bedevil the current generation. A striving for left unity is, borrowing a term popularizied by some religious groups, our calling. This “secular” universalism can be encouraged by all antifascists.
Fascism is a genre of liberation but altogether the wrong kind. Libertarian Marxists desire to liberate the oppressed from the oppressor. Many fascists, oddly enough, seemingly wish to liberate the oppressor from the oppressed. Some fash crudely misappropriate the language and symbols of the Left, including populist references to revolution and the utilization of a fist clenched in solidarity. These confiscations, perhaps intended to hoodwink certain less informed people, may be successful on occasion. However, Antifa activists should persevere in their attentivenes and alertness to such deceptive activities and, as appropriate, squarely and decisively challenge them. An indispensable tool for any effective emancipatory praxis—which is considerably more crucial than someone’s orthodoxy—must be intellectual warfare.
One of the more stunning exemplars of fascist ideology is the German political theologian Carl Schmitt (MP3). In the middle of his long life (1888–1985), he witnessed the fascist world he had entered fall apart. Schmitt’s foremost legacy is his work on sovereignty. Whether an individual or a collective, the sovereign decides on the exception. As such, the sovereign is essentially deified. The connection of sovereignty and exceptionality, on the one hand, with fascism and related ideologies, on the other, is unmistakable. Schmitt’s political theology can even be read as a prophetic endorsement of Donald Trump’s politics of exclusion. Exceptions made by fascists and their ilk are multiple: Jews, Muslims, Latinos, Armenians, Gypsies, various Indigenous peoples, or any population which is othered, marginalized, or subaltern (MP3).
The assemblage of observed contradictions which are commonplace in fascistic, protofascistic, neofascistic, and quasifascistic ideologies should be dutifully acknowledged, established as ethically illegitimate, and then swiftly cast aside as untenable. ALCC is dedicated to the proposition that fascism, and comparable evils, can be thoroughly vanquished in a span of merely one or two generations. Should, on the other hand, these ideologies be permitted, through our collective inaction, to gather both energy and followers, and not simply fester, the consequences for this planet may, indeed, be extremely dire. Let us all work and hope for the day when such fascistic systems are nothing more than a footnote in freshman, or first–year, university history texts. At that point, the path to libertarian communism will be cleared.
Hebrew–language, and later in this essay, traditional Arabic–language numbering systems were deliberately selected to admonish, if not to flagrantly shame, individuals who should be admonished and ashamed―practitioners of antisemitism (MP3) and Islamophobia (MP3). Notably, right–libertarianism is frequently difficult to distinguish from right–authoritarianism. Sovereign citizens believe, though wrongly, that, by filing specific legal documents, their personal authority eclipses the laws of their respective countries. Certain true believers have committed horrific acts of domestic terrorism in the U.S. and in other nations. Listen to this sixty–second audio file (MP3), and read these articles (PDF). Some materials on the sovereign citizen movement (MP3) are courtesy of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (the FBI).
The list below features only a selection of fascism’s ultra–right cousins. Nevertheless, the careful reader should bear in mind that not all instances of the specific categories included are necessarily either authoritarian or hateful. The National People’s Party in the U.K., which has defined itself as national bolshevik (Russian, национал-Большевик [MP3], nacional–Bolʹševik), is one apparent example of such an antifascist grouping. Even though ALCC does not lend support to the party’s platform, in fairness, its distinctivness should be duly noted. Here is that enumeration of diverse ideologies which share one or more characteristics—generally forms of right–wing authoritarianism—with fascism:
ALCC accepts Rosa’s typology of spontaneity and organization. Spontaneous uprisings will be largely unplanned responses to continuing deteriorations in the capitalist world–system. They shall, quite likely, intensify over the coming months and years. Organized revolutionary activities, perhaps persisting for several centuries, will follow the collapse of capitalism. Communism, the completion of the dialectic, might then be established in two stages: first, a transnational state and, second, a localized global federation or administration. Yet, the political economy to come and corrally social institutions must be formulated by our heirs or beneficiaries. There are no road maps or manuals. If you happen to stumble upon Establishing Communism for Dummies, do not waste your money. No such book has been, or could be, written.
Antifa has, sadly, become one of the more favored objects of derision among left–wing populists. These individuals represent, in my view, the most menacing threat to the American Left since the McCarthyist era of the 1950s. My reflections on the issue of Antifa, as a focal point of contempt and mockery, often drift into many extraneous directions. However, to maintain focus, I shall conclude with a single thought. I would challenge the most virulent anti–Antifa left–wing populist to find a respectable sampling of Jewish libertarian communists, whether Marxist or anarchist, who oppose Antifa. Since I have done no independent research on this subject myself, my thoughts are, I fully admit, provisional. However, as a man—one born and raised in this demographic—I suspect that the scores will be underwhelming.
The author and social commentator Mark Twain, pen name of Samuel Langhorne Clemens (1835–1910), has been alleged to utter such words as history does not repeat itself, but it rhymes. The poetry of capitalism and hardship is a bit too frequent to ignore. Thus, contrary to the views of the originator of evolutionary socialism, German revisionist Eduard Bernstein (MP3), the matrix which produced the capitalist world–system in the first place can hardly remedy it. Numerous obstacles hamper the growth of American communism and revolutionary socialism—particularly in middle schools, high schools, and academies of higher learning or education—in the first half of the 21ˢᵗ century. These encumbrances must be examined and removed forthrightly. As the founder of ALCC, I conclude with a couple of humble reflections.
I abhor fascism, nazism, the alt–right, and similar factions, but the sole way to truly empathize with miscreants, however contemptible, is by sincerely conversing with them. Sometimes fascists with their cohorts have even abandoned fascism or similar philosophies and become communists and revolutionary socialists. Dialogue is not appeasement. Presumably, my approach to this matter parallels one taken by most academic communists. I have, over my years in higher education, had students from various far–right fringe positions. One learns, through experience, to deal effectively with a broad spectrum of individuals without over–reacting. Becoming hysterical or terror–stricken only aids in achieving the objectives of one’s opponents. Yet, to be brutally honest, this capacity was carefully cultivated. It did not develop naturally.
Among secondary schools and universities, the Students’ Democratic Coalition was, in years gone by, a social movement organization of the libertarian American New Left. In the view of this one writer—a libertarian Marxist communist reared, since the relative antiquity of 1968, in that coalition—a vast panorama of traditionalisms and conservativisms appear diabolically on the ascendent in the modern world. These last dogmas and sentiments of iniquity are among the major stumbling blocks facing communism in the present era. With an ardent scrutiny, shun them all like the plague. Meanwhile, treat the believers in these vile doctrines with respect. Separate the individual from her or his mindset. Struggle against the tide, through a heart flowing with love and passion, for a world of inclusiveness and internationalism.
ALCC strongly champions the activism of social justice warriors (SJWs). In our view, their nascent class consciousness makes them ideal candidates to become libertarian communists and Antifa. SJWs should, consequently, be both praised and guided to synthesize their praxis with libertarian Marxist theory. They must not be condemned and dismissed, as is now so common on the faux left. A non–SJW libertarian communist is an oxymoron or a contradiction in terms. Left–libertarianism must supplant the entire intersectional capitalist world–system. Opposing: LGBTQQIAA/GSD/SGD rights or anti–heteronormativity, feminism, Black Lives Matter, anti–racism, anti–ethnicism, Occupy, anti–nativism, anti–ableism (anti–disablism in British Commonwealth English), and so on is unsuitable to a communism of genuine liberty.
At least in part, ALCC uses the term SJW as a tactic for disruption. We are thoroughly mindful that, among many self–defined Leftists, the abbreviation has acquired a negative undertone. In our view, such an outlook on SJWs is misguided. By intentionally utilizing the label in this essay and in our work, we are consciously challenging people to confront their own prejudices. Our ultimate hope is that individuals will reconsider their appraisals of SJWs. By alienating a segment of the population which decidedly has the potential to become libertarian communists, we are, in effect, shooting ourselves in the foot. Knowingly or not, such estrangements can, in the long run, damage our cause. We would rather welcome and embrace SJWs as possible comrades in libertarian communism than to disrespect them with biased slurs.
Obviously, not all social justice activists are, strictly speaking, Leftists. No matter which tendency or current one resolves to identify with, should an individual decide to attack any liberation or social justice movements of oppressed peoples, she or he is not, by our definition, on the Left. Nevertheless, radical, a term often employed by Leftists from a spectrum of tendencies and currents, has been diminished into an essentially over–used smear word. Any descriptive significance radicalism may have at onetime critically conveyed was long ago clouded by the parlor games played in partisan politics. Notwithstanding one’s perspective of choice, with regard to divers intersections of domination, libertarian and left communists must, we contend, be unreservedly, and proudly, extremists:
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Mōšẹh ʾẠhărōn hạ-Lēwiy bẹn Hẹʿrəšẹʿl is Foster’s communist name.
Made in the U.S.A., the shameful capital of 21ˢᵗ-century neofascism.